公民不再害怕用脚说话
集会是表达自由转捩点
■日期／Dec 28, 2007 ■时间／08:01:51 pm ■新闻／家国风云 ■作者／东南亚报业联盟
http://www.merdekareview.com/news.php?n=5636
【东南亚报业联盟撰述／独立新闻在线陈慧思翻译】2007年对马来西亚而言是一个政府彰然摒弃其维护网络自由的承诺的一年。前任首相马哈迪任内，为吸引新媒体的全球投资，作出不过滤网络的保证，可是现任首相阿都拉巴达威没有因而放弃针对网上作者和部落客的贴文，控制和提控他们。
类似过滤实情的步骤已进一步压制一个已惯于以“稳定”和“国家安全”之名检视民主自由，且刚刚才开始认真地寻求新媒体作为表达自由途径的多元种族、多元宗教社会。
一月，与主要执政党巫统有密切关联的《新海峡时报》提出了一项指标性的诉讼，它指控著名政治部落客黄泉安和阿西鲁丁（Ahirudin bin Attan）在他们在贴文中，诽谤该集团旗下的主要英文日报和发表具有诽谤性错误的言论。
执政党政治人物管制网络的呼声升高，导致内阁在六月宣布成立一个特别工作队，以在没有违反国家的“不过滤网络认证”的情况下，以现有的法律对付网络色情和煽动。在之后的两个月中，巫统提出了出动“网络打手”监督批判性网络作者的建议。作为监督传统媒体的主要弹药——煽动法令、诽谤法令和官方机密法令被用在五个与网络相关的案件上。
在野党活跃份子陈仁义因一个无名氏在他的网络上放上一个控诉官方贪污的链接，被控诽谤（编按：经向陈仁义证实，他只是在《官方机密法令》下被逮捕，没有被控诽谤）以及被扣留了四天；活跃份子蔡添强针对一名被炸尸的蒙古人的案子贴上一张戏弄人的照片，而遭警方传召问话；政治部落客拉惹柏特拉（Raja Petra Kamarudin）因被指摘侮辱皇室而遭警方盘问，他的妻子虽然跟部落格没有关系，也遭到盘问。学生黄明志因其一首放上Youtube、道出国家普遍弊端的国歌改编的饶舌歌而遭到调查。
严格控制资讯
政府的骚扰变本加厉，原因长久以来表达自由遭政府限制的大众提供替代性观点和资讯的部落格，愈加大胆和受欢迎。在野党的党报只准会员购买；由边缘化声音主办的公众讲座和集会鲜少得到准证；道出真相的书和独立电影被查禁。同时，大部份媒体都在政府关联大集团首要媒体（Media Prima），今年的代表性也因所有四家主要中文报章《星洲日报》、《光明日报》、《中国报》和《南洋商报》都由被认为与其中一个执政党关系良好的木材大亨张晓卿拥有，而进一步削弱。
各个政府机构下达“不”（don’ts）指令，是出现在主流媒体的惯常现象。在马哈迪当权二十年来是如此，在其接任者当权时亦是如此。公众强烈抗议的官方丑闻或宗教课题，都被“敏感”的标签牢牢钳制，随之而来的是查禁媒体，或是只能报道执政精英和官方说法的指令。此外，具批判性、力求公正报道的英文日报《太阳报》经常被公开或私下告诫。此类告诫有其效用，因为在《出版与印刷机法令》下，所有出版物每年都需重新注册；此法令予以部长绝对和最终权力决定是否发放准证，以及没法进行司法审核。
口头威胁之外，新闻从业员遭肢体攻击的事件也节节上升。执政党的党员被指殴打一名采访在野党记者会的摄影记者许俊诚，另一个团体则被指在摄影记者马拉彦迪（P.Malayandi）和记者玛丽尼（R.Malini）采访一宗执政党及其竞争对手的打架事件时，与马拉彦迪大打出手，以及粗俗地向玛丽尼吼叫。更令人担忧的是，摄影记者拉曼（R.Raman）因他的文章，遭殴至变成植物人，他的同事纳加拉占（M.Nagarajan）则面对了同一命运降身的恐吓。
揭露败坏管理的人面临被控、遭恐吓采取法律途径，或限制报道的命运。在野党领袖刘天球、蔡添强和卡立依布拉欣（Khalid Ibrahim）因揭露一份被指弊端重重的大道合约，而被调查。国家的首要独立网络日报《当今大马》因撰述一系列文章，质疑砂拉越州首席部长阿都泰益（Abdul Taib）的家族是否与可疑的州内木材交易及其他商业活动有关联，而遭阿都泰益起诉诽谤。身居高位的政治人物也曾起诉马来西亚前锋报媒体集团和两名分发相关文章的在野党领袖，惟后来在巫统拥有的《马来西亚前锋报》道歉之后撤销对它作出的控诉。
■日期／Dec 28, 2007 ■时间／08:01:51 pm ■新闻／家国风云 ■作者／东南亚报业联盟
http://www.merdekareview.com/news.php?n=5636
【东南亚报业联盟撰述／独立新闻在线陈慧思翻译】2007年对马来西亚而言是一个政府彰然摒弃其维护网络自由的承诺的一年。前任首相马哈迪任内，为吸引新媒体的全球投资，作出不过滤网络的保证，可是现任首相阿都拉巴达威没有因而放弃针对网上作者和部落客的贴文，控制和提控他们。
类似过滤实情的步骤已进一步压制一个已惯于以“稳定”和“国家安全”之名检视民主自由，且刚刚才开始认真地寻求新媒体作为表达自由途径的多元种族、多元宗教社会。
一月，与主要执政党巫统有密切关联的《新海峡时报》提出了一项指标性的诉讼，它指控著名政治部落客黄泉安和阿西鲁丁（Ahirudin bin Attan）在他们在贴文中，诽谤该集团旗下的主要英文日报和发表具有诽谤性错误的言论。
执政党政治人物管制网络的呼声升高，导致内阁在六月宣布成立一个特别工作队，以在没有违反国家的“不过滤网络认证”的情况下，以现有的法律对付网络色情和煽动。在之后的两个月中，巫统提出了出动“网络打手”监督批判性网络作者的建议。作为监督传统媒体的主要弹药——煽动法令、诽谤法令和官方机密法令被用在五个与网络相关的案件上。
在野党活跃份子陈仁义因一个无名氏在他的网络上放上一个控诉官方贪污的链接，被控诽谤（编按：经向陈仁义证实，他只是在《官方机密法令》下被逮捕，没有被控诽谤）以及被扣留了四天；活跃份子蔡添强针对一名被炸尸的蒙古人的案子贴上一张戏弄人的照片，而遭警方传召问话；政治部落客拉惹柏特拉（Raja Petra Kamarudin）因被指摘侮辱皇室而遭警方盘问，他的妻子虽然跟部落格没有关系，也遭到盘问。学生黄明志因其一首放上Youtube、道出国家普遍弊端的国歌改编的饶舌歌而遭到调查。
严格控制资讯
政府的骚扰变本加厉，原因长久以来表达自由遭政府限制的大众提供替代性观点和资讯的部落格，愈加大胆和受欢迎。在野党的党报只准会员购买；由边缘化声音主办的公众讲座和集会鲜少得到准证；道出真相的书和独立电影被查禁。同时，大部份媒体都在政府关联大集团首要媒体（Media Prima），今年的代表性也因所有四家主要中文报章《星洲日报》、《光明日报》、《中国报》和《南洋商报》都由被认为与其中一个执政党关系良好的木材大亨张晓卿拥有，而进一步削弱。
各个政府机构下达“不”（don’ts）指令，是出现在主流媒体的惯常现象。在马哈迪当权二十年来是如此，在其接任者当权时亦是如此。公众强烈抗议的官方丑闻或宗教课题，都被“敏感”的标签牢牢钳制，随之而来的是查禁媒体，或是只能报道执政精英和官方说法的指令。此外，具批判性、力求公正报道的英文日报《太阳报》经常被公开或私下告诫。此类告诫有其效用，因为在《出版与印刷机法令》下，所有出版物每年都需重新注册；此法令予以部长绝对和最终权力决定是否发放准证，以及没法进行司法审核。
口头威胁之外，新闻从业员遭肢体攻击的事件也节节上升。执政党的党员被指殴打一名采访在野党记者会的摄影记者许俊诚，另一个团体则被指在摄影记者马拉彦迪（P.Malayandi）和记者玛丽尼（R.Malini）采访一宗执政党及其竞争对手的打架事件时，与马拉彦迪大打出手，以及粗俗地向玛丽尼吼叫。更令人担忧的是，摄影记者拉曼（R.Raman）因他的文章，遭殴至变成植物人，他的同事纳加拉占（M.Nagarajan）则面对了同一命运降身的恐吓。
揭露败坏管理的人面临被控、遭恐吓采取法律途径，或限制报道的命运。在野党领袖刘天球、蔡添强和卡立依布拉欣（Khalid Ibrahim）因揭露一份被指弊端重重的大道合约，而被调查。国家的首要独立网络日报《当今大马》因撰述一系列文章，质疑砂拉越州首席部长阿都泰益（Abdul Taib）的家族是否与可疑的州内木材交易及其他商业活动有关联，而遭阿都泰益起诉诽谤。身居高位的政治人物也曾起诉马来西亚前锋报媒体集团和两名分发相关文章的在野党领袖，惟后来在巫统拥有的《马来西亚前锋报》道歉之后撤销对它作出的控诉。
有关当局也指摘淡米尔文日报《Makkal Osai》触及宗教敏感性，而吊销其准证长达30天；此事被认为是一名执政党人士针对该报一篇批判性文章所作出的报复行动。
新媒体捍卫新闻自由
有民主机制但没有民主载体的政治和民权环境，是新闻自由缺乏的因素。《宪法》的第10条款保证了言论自由，但是也允许国会为安全理由制定限制。在1988年首席大法官被革职以及高阶法庭作出数项具争议的裁决之后，司法公正已经遭到腐蚀。今年，司法公正再度因出现一则律师安排司法委任的短片，而遭到质疑。
新媒体捍卫新闻自由
有民主机制但没有民主载体的政治和民权环境，是新闻自由缺乏的因素。《宪法》的第10条款保证了言论自由，但是也允许国会为安全理由制定限制。在1988年首席大法官被革职以及高阶法庭作出数项具争议的裁决之后，司法公正已经遭到腐蚀。今年，司法公正再度因出现一则律师安排司法委任的短片，而遭到质疑。
若非网络开拓了马来西亚的民主空间，类似揭发性事故只会有短暂的生命。网络的民主空间也点燃了人民对开拓其他空间的需求，比如集会、讲座会，甚至是主流媒体，原因是人民开始认知到，政府垄断了真相而难以出现改变。国际媒体“半岛电视台”（Al-Jazeera）今年在吉隆坡设立办公室，也为马来西亚公众平添了替代性的报道。
《半岛电视台》也为地方事件带来了国际水准的报道，这些本地事件的报道一直为政府拥有和控制的广播媒介垄断。网络新科技和人造卫星通讯的结合也扩张了媒体自由的界限，因为卫星电视报道的本地事件，被重新散布在网络上，打破了传统媒体就资讯的掌握。
然而，向民主空间跨进的最大一步，并非经由网络完成，而是最基本的表达方式。为巴基斯坦和缅甸反抗政府不平等的集会所感召，成千上万的马来西亚人分别在不同组织的号召下在9月和11月展开和平集会。集会的原因不一而足，从司法、人权、民主改革，到遭边缘族群印度人的权利，但是都有一个共通点：重新争取鲜少被行使的集会自由权利。当集会的缘由是挑战政府，集会自由权利很少为警方允许。
虽然三项集会遭禁和遭警方压制，且一些集会者和主办人士也因此而被控煽动和非法集会，最糟的是五名兴都权利行动力量（Hindraf）领导人－－乌达雅古玛（P. Uthayakumar）、马诺哈然（M. Manoharan）、甘加达兰（R. Kenghadharan）、干纳巴迪绕（V. Ganabatirau）及瓦山达古玛（T. Vasanthakumar）未经审讯，被指威胁国家安全，在《内安法令》下被扣留两年，上述集会仍旧是马来西亚表达自由的重要转捩点，它显露出，普通公民不再害怕用他们的脚说话，纵使主流媒体把街头示威涂抹成“异类”和暴力文化。
秘书处设在泰国的东南亚新闻联盟（Southeast Asian Press Alliance，SEAPA），是一个由印尼、菲律宾和泰国的新闻自由倡导团体在1998年11月成立的联盟，其宗旨是要团结区域内的独立新闻工作者和新闻相关机构，以成为一股保障和促进东南亚新闻自由与言论自由的力量。
Attacks against media, bloggers could be move to secure control before elections
26 July 2007
Source: Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ), Malaysia
http://www.seapabkk.org/newdesign/newsdetail.php?No=721
http://www.seapabkk.org/newdesign/newsdetail.php?No=721
The following is a 25 July 2007 capsule report from CIJ, a SEAPA partner in Malaysia:
In recent months, the Malaysian government's rhetoric on punishing "irresponsible" bloggers is being translated into reality. Websites and blogs have been targeted one after another, and on the flimsiest pretext. The axe seems to fall on a particular group of bloggers and online writers who take due precaution, including identifying themselves, moderating their postings and checking their facts. Their predicament challenges the government claims that these writers disseminate lies and rumours and calls into question the government's real motive.
All these blogs and websites share a common thread – they write about corruption and misuse of power by top leaders of the government. Web-based daily “Malaysiakini.com” and blogger Nathaniel Tan, who were among those affected, say is the explicit reason why they have been targeted. An exposé in Raja Petra Kamaruddin's blog Malaysia Today, for example, was catalytic in putting the Inspector-General of Police, Musa Hassan, on the radar screen of the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA), while Malaysiakini.com's follow-up stories on the "timber kickbacks" in the state of Sarawak compelled its chief minister to respond to the allegations.
Collectively, such online content has brought into focus the government's poor performance in its promised fight against corruption, a promise that secured for the then incumbent Barisan Nasional coalition a landslide victory in the 2004 elections. In March, the Hong Kong-based Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC) noted that foreign investors’ perception of corruption in the country has worsened. Adding salt to the wound is the outbreak of scandals, such as the blow to the ACA's credibility when a former officer alleged Director-General Zulkipli Mat Noor of corruption, and the acquittal of Eric Chia, the former technocrat for national steel corporation Perwaja, from the charges of misappropriating funds of more than RM70million (approx. US$20million), after a nine-year investigation and a three-year trial process.
While the threats and intimidation against bloggers have been happening over the year, the latest warning against bloggers, reported on 25 July, is the strongest to date. De-facto Law Minister Nazri Aziz threatened to use against bloggers the Internal Security Act (ISA) - which allows for detention without trial – and the Sedition Act.
The warning comes closely after a string of events. On 23 July, ruling party United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) lodged a police report against Malaysia Today blog owner Raja Petra, charging the latter of insulting the King over comments posted by others on his blog. Malaysia Today is often rife with postings of internal goings-on of UMNO politics, corruption in the higher echelons in the police and the alleged interference of the prime minister's son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, in the country's administration.
A fortnight before that, on 13 July, police arrested blogger Tan and held him for four days under the widely criticised Official Secrets Act. Tan, who also works for the opposition Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), was suspected of possessing documents alleging Deputy Internal Security Minister Johari Baharum of corruption, based on an anonymous comment posted on his blog and a link to a website. Tan was subsequently released without charges being laid on him.
Three days earlier, the youth wing of ruling party UMNO filed a complaint against another blogger, Tian Chua, who is also the information chief of the same opposition party PKR. Chua was investigated under the Communications and Multimedia Act over a controversial photomontage in his blog which illustrated a rumoured and potentially explosive photograph that had been the subject of a sensational ongoing murder trial of a Mongolian national.
In June, news site “Malaysiakini.com” was sued by Sarawak Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud over a series of stories alleging Abdul Taib and his family of receiving RM32 million (approx. US$9 million) in kickbacks in return for timber export concessions.
These vocal blogs and websites stick out like sore thumbs against the context of government inaction on corruption. They break the legislative barriers of information, such as the Printing Presses and Publications Act, imposed by the government on print media, and the CMA that regulates television and radio stations. Over the years, government officials have been increasingly wary of the growing influence of blogs. The blogs of Jeff Ooi, Ahirudin Atan (who are being sued for defamation by a major newspaper group, the New Straits Times Press) and Raja Petra claim a readership of over one million each, while Malaysiakini.com attracts three million pageviews a month. Because of the popularity of such online sources, the Ministry of Internal Security has had to issue twice directives to mainstream print media not to quote from online sources, and the government announced in June the setting up of a taskforce to, among others, study ways to circumvent the Multimedia Bill of Guarantee, which limits the government from censoring the Internet.
It is apparent from the various cries and whinges of government officials, ranging from members of Parliament to senators, ministers to deputy ministers and senior leaders of UMNO, calling for the Internet to be censored that they are only concerned about online content “damaging” the ruling elite’s image. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi himself has stated that bloggers and online writers "misuse their freedom" and have used web space to “slander” him.
The vigilante mentality against the media and individual expressions also comes at a time when talk of a general election is gaining momentum. The Malaysian mainstream media is known for its lopsided and biased reporting in favour of the ruling coalition, especially during elections, and the clampdown against bloggers - and even the mainstream media, as regards opposition coverage - is indicative of the government's perpetual control over critical information.
Using the excuse of preservation of public order and security, the government embarks on high-handed actions against bloggers and websites, but instead of chasing after anonymous commentators, it acts against the writers who dare to put their names on what they write and who consciously reject government labelling.
It seems that the government - in failing to control the free flow of information in cyber space, as it can and does in traditional media - is resorting to intimidation tactics against dissenters, particularly when it concerns opposition views and allegations of corruption.
All these blogs and websites share a common thread – they write about corruption and misuse of power by top leaders of the government. Web-based daily “Malaysiakini.com” and blogger Nathaniel Tan, who were among those affected, say is the explicit reason why they have been targeted. An exposé in Raja Petra Kamaruddin's blog Malaysia Today, for example, was catalytic in putting the Inspector-General of Police, Musa Hassan, on the radar screen of the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA), while Malaysiakini.com's follow-up stories on the "timber kickbacks" in the state of Sarawak compelled its chief minister to respond to the allegations.
Collectively, such online content has brought into focus the government's poor performance in its promised fight against corruption, a promise that secured for the then incumbent Barisan Nasional coalition a landslide victory in the 2004 elections. In March, the Hong Kong-based Political and Economic Risk Consultancy (PERC) noted that foreign investors’ perception of corruption in the country has worsened. Adding salt to the wound is the outbreak of scandals, such as the blow to the ACA's credibility when a former officer alleged Director-General Zulkipli Mat Noor of corruption, and the acquittal of Eric Chia, the former technocrat for national steel corporation Perwaja, from the charges of misappropriating funds of more than RM70million (approx. US$20million), after a nine-year investigation and a three-year trial process.
While the threats and intimidation against bloggers have been happening over the year, the latest warning against bloggers, reported on 25 July, is the strongest to date. De-facto Law Minister Nazri Aziz threatened to use against bloggers the Internal Security Act (ISA) - which allows for detention without trial – and the Sedition Act.
The warning comes closely after a string of events. On 23 July, ruling party United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) lodged a police report against Malaysia Today blog owner Raja Petra, charging the latter of insulting the King over comments posted by others on his blog. Malaysia Today is often rife with postings of internal goings-on of UMNO politics, corruption in the higher echelons in the police and the alleged interference of the prime minister's son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, in the country's administration.
A fortnight before that, on 13 July, police arrested blogger Tan and held him for four days under the widely criticised Official Secrets Act. Tan, who also works for the opposition Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), was suspected of possessing documents alleging Deputy Internal Security Minister Johari Baharum of corruption, based on an anonymous comment posted on his blog and a link to a website. Tan was subsequently released without charges being laid on him.
Three days earlier, the youth wing of ruling party UMNO filed a complaint against another blogger, Tian Chua, who is also the information chief of the same opposition party PKR. Chua was investigated under the Communications and Multimedia Act over a controversial photomontage in his blog which illustrated a rumoured and potentially explosive photograph that had been the subject of a sensational ongoing murder trial of a Mongolian national.
In June, news site “Malaysiakini.com” was sued by Sarawak Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud over a series of stories alleging Abdul Taib and his family of receiving RM32 million (approx. US$9 million) in kickbacks in return for timber export concessions.
These vocal blogs and websites stick out like sore thumbs against the context of government inaction on corruption. They break the legislative barriers of information, such as the Printing Presses and Publications Act, imposed by the government on print media, and the CMA that regulates television and radio stations. Over the years, government officials have been increasingly wary of the growing influence of blogs. The blogs of Jeff Ooi, Ahirudin Atan (who are being sued for defamation by a major newspaper group, the New Straits Times Press) and Raja Petra claim a readership of over one million each, while Malaysiakini.com attracts three million pageviews a month. Because of the popularity of such online sources, the Ministry of Internal Security has had to issue twice directives to mainstream print media not to quote from online sources, and the government announced in June the setting up of a taskforce to, among others, study ways to circumvent the Multimedia Bill of Guarantee, which limits the government from censoring the Internet.
It is apparent from the various cries and whinges of government officials, ranging from members of Parliament to senators, ministers to deputy ministers and senior leaders of UMNO, calling for the Internet to be censored that they are only concerned about online content “damaging” the ruling elite’s image. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi himself has stated that bloggers and online writers "misuse their freedom" and have used web space to “slander” him.
The vigilante mentality against the media and individual expressions also comes at a time when talk of a general election is gaining momentum. The Malaysian mainstream media is known for its lopsided and biased reporting in favour of the ruling coalition, especially during elections, and the clampdown against bloggers - and even the mainstream media, as regards opposition coverage - is indicative of the government's perpetual control over critical information.
Using the excuse of preservation of public order and security, the government embarks on high-handed actions against bloggers and websites, but instead of chasing after anonymous commentators, it acts against the writers who dare to put their names on what they write and who consciously reject government labelling.
It seems that the government - in failing to control the free flow of information in cyber space, as it can and does in traditional media - is resorting to intimidation tactics against dissenters, particularly when it concerns opposition views and allegations of corruption.
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